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Program
Brief, vol. 7, #7
© The Nixon Center 2001
"The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy: Implications for
the United States"
A Panel Discussion with Bates Gill, Lu Ning, and Margaret Pearson
The Nixon Center, Washington, DC
March 14, 2001
At a recent
Nixon Center seminar, three experts on US-China relations agreed that the United
States must adapt its policies to changes in China’s leadership and its
policy-making processes. Bates Gill, Lu Ning, and Margaret Pearson addressed
these issues in chapters in a recent book, The Making of Chinese Foreign and
Security Policy in the Era of Reform: 1978-2000, edited by David M. Lampton.
Dr. Gill is the Director of the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies as
well as Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution; Mr. Lu is a freelance writer
and journalist; and Dr. Pearson is a professor at the University of Maryland at
College Park. Dr. Lampton, Director of The Nixon Center’s Chinese Studies
Program, moderated the discussion.
Bates Gill
Mr. Gill argued that there are massive changes underway in China’s
decision-making process on arms control and non-proliferation. Most significant,
he said, is the rapid professionalization of Chinese officials working in these
areas. This has significantly empowered middle-level officials, who are now
increasingly able to hold substantive discussions on arms control matters with
their foreign counterparts. Gill characterized the evolution of these processes
as "two steps forward, one step back" from an American perspective as
some Chinese officials have become quite adept at integrating international
negotiating language and tactics into their positions. Today, he said, they
sometimes outperform their counterparts in the West. Nevertheless, Gill argued
that it would serve broader U.S. interests to assist China in enhancing its
bureaucratic capabilities on foreign policy matters.
More generally, Gill suggested that while the United States should be confident
of Chinese observance of multilateral agreements, Washington should be prepared
for disappointments in its bilateral relations with China. For example, he
explained, informal bilateral understandings with Beijing should be considered
contingent on the ever-changing international situation. The United States.
should therefore be ready for frequent ups and downs in its ties with China.
Lu Ning
The content and character of the Chinese leadership is shifting, according to
Mr. Lu, and the United States must pay close attention. He identified shifts in
real authority, occurring first in the mid 1980s, when agreement among a
"nuclear circle" of two or three people was required to make
decisions, and then in the early 1990s, when power shifted to the Standing
Committee of the Communist Party. Today, he said, top Chinese leaders’ tight
control over foreign policy, military affairs, and high-level personnel affairs
is yielding to growing input from the bureaucracy. Citing the impact of Falun
Gong, Lu also argued that public opinion has increasing influence over
policymaking. Responding to a question on this point, Lampton suggested that
public opinion is much more important when the elite itself is divided; that is,
the lack of a consensus among the Chinese leadership on a particular issue
creates an opportunity for public opinion to influence the decision.
Lu also urged greater attention to the new generation of Chinese leaders. In the
early 1980s, he said, the government created a special task force to search for
and identify potential leaders. They were carefully cultivated and given
experience within the Communist Party bureaucracy as well as at the local level,
and usually in the poorest regions of China. They are more cosmopolitan and more
technocratic than their predecessors; also, many have engineering backgrounds.
Unfortunately, there is little else known about China’s emerging leaders. Lu
urged the United States to follow the future leadership more closely in order to
better understand China.
Margaret Pearson
Pearson argued that trade policy formulation is becoming more pluralized,
more interest-based, and more transparent. For instance, policy-makers are
talking directly with business leaders more frequently rather than working
strictly within the government bureaucracy. As a result, decision-making in
China at the intermediate level is more efficient and more reflective of
business realities. She added that China has begun to allow a limited internal
debate on trade policy matters.
In this context, Pearson identified the agriculture and manufacturing sectors as
areas of the Chinese economy with a significant stake in the outcome of China’s
efforts to join the WTO. In many ways, these sectors have gradually transformed
into interest groups as they lobby for their collective interests. For example,
the manufacturing sector has worked behind the scenes to obtain protection as
the Chinese market gradually opened. Attitudes in the agricultural sector, for
example, have also changed—from passivity and dependence to proactive
expression of concern over China’s accession to the WTO. Pearson argued that
these developments will also affect decision-making.
This Program Brief
was prepared by Nixon Center staff member Catherine L. Corliss.
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